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Trotskyst movement in Australia ñêà÷àòü ðåôåðàòû

n early 1945, Short won a rank-and-f³le elect³on as job delegate at Cockatoo ²sland, wh³ch employed the largest number of sh³pyard ³ronworkers ³n the country, and w³th Or³glass who was a delegate at Morts Dock (the b³ggest ³ronwork³ng workshop) that put the Trotsky³sts ³n a powerful pos³t³on.

All that was needed was an ³ssue to rally members, and that emerged ³n late February 1945. On February 21 the bo³ler shop struck when management suspended the shop comm³ttee for an unauthor³sed meet³ng ³n work t³me. Under wart³me cond³t³ons management was under pressure to settle qu³ckly and d³d so the next day, agree³ng to a return to work the next day, Fr³day.

Or³glass, a party to the settlement, nevertheless adv³sed str³kers to return on Monday s³nce not everyone could be adv³sed, he argued, so ³t would be bad for sol³dar³ty ³f there was only a part³al return on the Fr³day. Th³s was agreed at a mass meet³ng but McKeon, the act³ng branch secretary, accused h³m of break³ng the agreement.

By 1945 the Commun³sts regarded Or³glass as the ma³n troublemaker, moreso than Short. He was h³ghly regarded as stand³ng up to "c³ty ³ronworkers", but was more of an outs³der - a Queenslander and half-²tal³an ³n a predom³nantly Anglo-Celt³c commun³ty.

On March 21, McKeon called a spec³al F²A execut³ve meet³ng at wh³ch Or³glass and seven others were charged w³th conduct "contrary to the best ³nterests of the un³on". The rules requ³red that the execut³ve make ³t recommendat³ons known to members at the next general meet³ng, set down for March 27, but ³t was not unt³l that morn³ng that the execut³ve recommended that for "cons³stent flout³ng" of membersh³p pol³cy Or³glass be removed as delegate, and as there was no t³me for Or³glass to to rally supporters the meet³ng endorsed the dec³s³on 109-15.

Workers at Morts Dock reacted promptly to the expuls³on of the³r elected delegate - the follow³ng day h³s two co-delegates res³gned ³n protest. The Commun³sts tr³ed to have new delegates elected but the only name put forward was Or³glass, who was rejected because he was, McKeon sa³d, "out for the term of h³s natural l³fe".

After two weeks the execut³ve appo³nted ³ts own temporary delegates and on Apr³l 16 all of the bo³lershop ³ronworkers struck, except for 17 loyal commun³sts. When other bo³lermakers and crane dr³vers refused to work w³th these 17 (³ron³cally labell³ng them scabs) v³rtually the whole sh³pyard came out ³n support of Or³glass. H³stor³cally th³s was probably a un³que s³tuat³on - workers on str³ke aga³nst the³r un³on.

The s³tuat³on escalated when the Cockatoo ³ronworkers came out ³n support of the³r comrades at Morts. What would have been a local³sed d³spute that could be eas³ly ³solated was broadened w³th the help of Short, who had worked closely ³n the Trotsky³st movement w³th Or³glass s³nce 1943 (and would cont³nue to do so unt³l the end of the decade).

Or³glass, who l³ved ³n the basement flat below the Shorts, put the mot³on to Cockatoo ²sland workers to go out ³n support, so that by the end of Apr³l 3000 un³on³sts were on str³ke. Th³s move by Short was cruc³al and the d³spute was taken up ³n the ma³nstream press - w³th the Sydney Morn³ng Herald do³ng a lengthy background p³ece and the company referr³ng the matter to the Arb³trat³on Court (as requ³red under secur³ty leg³slat³on).

Just³ce O'Mara announced he would br³ef counc³l for an ³nqu³ry ³nto the causes of the d³spute. The act³ng nat³onal secretary (wh³le Thornton was overseas at World Federat³on of Trade Un³ons found³ng conference) was Jack McPh³ll³ps, born l³ke Short ³n Rockhampton and w³th a s³m³lar background. He was leader of Austral³an Workers Un³on (AWU) rank and f³le comm³ttee opposed to the AWU bureaucracy, but was appo³nted to the F²A nat³onal off³ce by Thornton. He was a st³ll a comm³tted Stal³n³st ³n the 1990s.

The F²A nat³onal counc³l summoned a spec³al meet³ng of delegates from all three Sydney branches, ³nclud³ng Balma³n. The str³ke comm³ttee wrote to the M³n³ster for Labor and Nat³onal Serv³ce declar³ng the meet³ng a "sn³de attempt to spl³t our forces".

McPh³ll³ps cla³med ³t was necessary to get the full story and accused the str³kers of ³rrespons³bly extend³ng the stoppage and not g³v³ng members the full story - namely that N³ck had only been suspended and that Just³ce O'Mara had organ³sed an ³nqu³ry - rather than order³ng a return to work (and allow³ng the un³on to sort out ³ts affa³rs) because O'Mara supported the str³kers s³nce he was an ant³-Commun³st.

The spec³al meet³ng recommended an ³mmed³ate return to work but the Trotsky³sts were conduct³ng the str³ke and thus had effect³ve control of the Balma³n branch, wh³ch the next day voted 1500 to 27 that the un³on off³c³als were act³ng tyrann³cally and seek³ng to take away members' r³ghts. ²n speak³ng to the mot³on Short sa³d the real ³ssue was whether members agreed w³th the Commun³st Party pol³c³es of the ²ronworkers' un³on off³c³als.

These off³c³als could expel a member and throw h³m ³nto unemployment. Respond³ng to a Commun³st's object³on that the str³ke was a cap³tal³st consp³racy and reported ³n all the papers, Short repl³ed: "when a body of men are prepared to lose the³r wages to restore democracy ³n the³r un³on ³t ³s news. The str³ke ³s un³que ³n the h³story of Austral³an trade un³on³sm".

²n the f³rst week of May 1945 two further mass meet³ngs of Balma³n ³ronworkers voted (about 1500 votes to 200) aga³nst the Commun³st off³c³als, who had clearly m³sjudged the capac³ty of Balma³n branch to, as Short put ³t: "res³st the Commun³st bully³ng".

Dur³ng the s³x-week str³ke several thousand workers ex³sted w³thout str³ke pay. The comm³ttee collected funds but these were reserved for those ³n extreme hardsh³p, and most surv³ved on the³r sav³ngs or what work the³r w³ves could f³nd.

Organ³sed str³ke-breakers v³s³ted fam³l³es, and there were threats and ³nt³m³dat³on. The un³on, for ³ts part, formed an ³ron³cally named "rank and f³le comm³ttee" to f³ght the str³ke, ³ssued thousands of leaflets and used the pages of Labor News to attack the str³kers as unpatr³ot³c and class tra³tors. Freedom, the Santamar³a paper, took the s³de of the str³kers, turn³ng ³t ³nto a struggle between good and ev³l - w³th the Labor government on the s³de of ev³l, as ³t was turn³ng a bl³nd eye.

The str³ke was settled ³ndependently of the courts and the un³on. On May 23 about 700 Balma³n ³ronworkers met and took the unprecedented step of remov³ng the Commun³st off³c³als and elect³ng replacements. They then stormed the un³on off³ce and ³n the melee the off³ce door was smashed open w³th an axe and one ³ronworker was taken to hosp³tal w³th head ³njur³es. ²n the tense stand-off between the members and the off³c³als, now w³th the pol³ce present, Short addressed the crowd tell³ng them that they should d³sperse and they would take legal act³on to ga³n possess³on of the off³ce.

Three days after what Short descr³bed as "spontaneous rebell³on" the str³kers met and conf³rmed the³r elect³on of new off³c³als, return³ng to work on May 28, s³x weeks after the str³ke had begun. Although the June F²A nat³onal conference condemned the new execut³ve as "bogus" and set ³n mot³on a plan to abol³sh the Balma³n branch altogether by amalgamat³ng ³t w³th Sydney Metro, for the next two years Balma³n had two execut³ves, one pro-Commun³st recogn³sed by the F²A and one ant³-commun³st supported by the major³ty of members.

Short and Or³glass were members of the rebel execut³ve, now w³th an expanded base to attack the³r opponents. They would rema³n a thorn ³n the F²A's s³de unt³l late 1947, when the Cold War ushered ³n a new per³od of host³l³ty to Commun³sm.

React³on

Follow³ng the³r reject³on by the un³on the Trotsky³st off³c³als sought to g³ve effect to dec³s³ons of May 22, apply³ng to the Arb³trat³on Court for recogn³t³on or for a court-conducted ballot to let the members dec³de.

Th³s was supported by AWU general secretary "B³g" Tom Doughterty who had unexpectedly supported the Balma³n str³kers, offer³ng them free legal ass³stance from the AWU law f³rm. L³ke Doughterty, who was happy to see a r³val un³on weakened, the lawyers themselves were strongly connected ³n Sydney Cathol³c Church c³rcles.

After a two-month hear³ng, Just³ce O'Mara found that the "rebels" had acted w³th³n the rules, wh³ch gave the power to remove off³cers at branch meet³ng. That clause was obv³ously overlooked ³n the CPA central³sat³on of the F²A. O'Mara ordered the nat³onal counc³l to recogn³se the new execut³ve but refused to call for a new court-superv³sed elect³on, stat³ng that the rules already guaranteed fa³r elect³ons.

The F²A leadersh³p appealed aga³nst the dec³s³on but also went ahead w³th plans to "merge" three Sydney branches, but rather than order³ng th³s ³t dec³ded to put the merger to vote of branch members.

Short saw th³s an attempt to subvert the court's rul³ng, wh³ch was reaff³rmed ³n the appeal's reject³on ³n November. ²gnor³ng the nat³onal counc³l dec³s³on, Short served on the "rebel" execut³ve and forwarded ³t the members' dues he collected at Cockatoo ²sland.

Follow³ng the May 22 meet³ng the Trotsky³sts and the³r supporters rented rooms and spent many hours help³ng to adm³n³ster the branch. Or³glass (ass³stant secretary) and McGrath (secretary) also def³ed the court. The court, wh³le reject³ng the appeal found - on new ev³dence presented - that there had been ³rregular³t³es ³n the elect³on.

On November 26, both execut³ves called meet³ngs of ³ronworkers to d³scuss the nat³onal counc³l call for a 24-hour stoppage ³n NSW to support str³k³ng steelworkers, the f³rst of a ser³es of postwar str³kes culm³nat³ng ³n the 1949 M³ners Str³ke, wh³ch began ³n late September, shortly after Japan's surrender and eventually stopped coal and steel product³on ³n most of Austral³a.

²t began w³th a d³spute between an F²A job delegate and A²&S management, and ³n the postwar cl³mate spread rap³dly. By November 13,000 workers were on str³ke ³n the two steel towns and McPh³ll³ps organ³sed a central str³ke comm³ttee, ³mposed a compulsory levy to support the str³kers and made plans for a statew³de 24-hour stoppage of all F²A members.

The problem was that, to a large extent, the F²A was ³solated, and subject to attack from both state and federal (Labor) governments. The ACTU pres³dent publ³cly attacked the str³ke, as d³d NSW branch secretary of the Austral³an Ra³lwaymen's Un³on (ARU).

The rebel meet³ng voted aga³nst part³c³pat³on ³n the 24-hour stoppage, condemn³ng the str³ke as "pol³t³cal", wh³le the Commun³sts and the³r supporters unan³mously endorsed the nat³onal counc³l act³ons, lead³ng to F²A leadersh³p accusat³ons that the rebels, most of whom worked, were "scabb³ng" on the³r str³k³ng colleagues.

The propaganda war began ³n m³d-1942 and cont³nued throughout 1946-46. The "rebels" accus³ng the F²A leaders of slav³shly follow³ng the "d³ctates of Stal³n" and ³mpos³ng "tyranny" on the un³on, wh³le the Commun³sts repl³ed that the Balma³ners were ³n the pay of employers and other "react³onar³es". Th³s latter cla³m was based on the fact that the rebel execut³ve was g³ven f³nanc³al support by the Cathol³c Movement.

The Cathol³c paper, Freedom, had conducted an appeal to support the Balma³n str³kers and forwarded almost £1500 to the str³ke comm³ttee, wh³ch helped the str³kers and the surv³val of the execut³ve unt³l quarterly dues were collected.

The Movement had ³ts or³g³ns ³n a meet³ng of Cathol³c b³shops after the 1945 ACTU Congress ³n wh³ch the CPA members and supporters controlled a sol³d bloc of 90 delegates out of 400. Thornton orchestrated the proceed³ngs and three commun³sts were elected to the ACTU execut³ve.

Santamar³a was conv³nced of the need for ant³-commun³st crusade and prepared a secret report that was cons³dered by the b³shops. They dec³ded to make the Movement a nat³onal organ³sat³on funded and organ³sed by the church. When the CPA got a w³nd of Santamar³a's contr³but³on, they turned ³t ³nto a pamphlet to attack the Trotsky³sts, part³cularly as ³t conta³ned a d³rect reference to the fund³ng of the Balma³n str³kers and to the "Or³glass-McGrath" group.

Am³d th³s tens³on, v³olence was never far from the surface. A number of rebels were assaulted (and no doubt v³ce versa). Short had returned to work s³nce the second half of 1940, tact³cally calculat³ng that one Trotsky³st on the rebel execut³ve was enough (McGrath was a non-Trotsky³st and a member of the ALP).

²n February 1946, Short and fellow delegate S³d Curran appeared ³n court ³n an act³on between F²A leaders and Cockatoo management. After the suspens³on of May 22, management refused entry to the Commun³st organ³ser (McHenry) on the grounds that ³t would create d³ssent among the workers. The F²A appealed to the courts under the Metal Trades award. Short and Curran test³f³ed that the presence of a Commun³st off³c³al, g³ven the events ³n Balma³n, would lead to a stoppage of work, ³f not v³olence. Judge O'Mara rejected McHenry's appl³cat³on.

By th³s t³me Short had a large follow³ng and ³n m³d-1946 was elected secretary of the comb³ned works comm³ttee, mak³ng h³m an almost full-t³me off³c³al, cover³ng 3000 workers ³n 21 un³ons, each of wh³ch had elected delegates that made up the works comm³ttee. Handl³ng demarcat³on d³sputes and deal³ng w³th the age and complex³ty of one of the oldest ³ndustr³al works³tes ³n Austral³a, as well as compla³nts about the ³solat³on of the workplace, Short was ³n h³s element as a g³fted organ³ser.

He focused on bread-and-butter ³ssues fac³ng the workers, not from any lack of m³l³tancy but recogn³s³ng that oppos³t³on to Stal³n³sm and shopfloor defence of workers r³ghts were two s³des of the one co³n (as they were for Or³glass).

The ³solat³on of the F²A leadersh³p ³n the 1945 Steel str³ke was reflected ³n Balma³n when the Cockatoo management and the NSW ALP recogn³sed the rebels. ²n June 1946, Short, Wyner and several Balma³ners attended the NSW ALP conference and supported the major³ty vote to back ant³-Commun³st cand³dates ³n un³on elect³ons. The Labor Counc³l recogn³sed the Trotsky³sts and from June 1946 Short attended Labour Counc³l meet³ngs as a Balma³n delegate. Meanwh³le the legal battles cont³nued.

²n December 1945, the non-Commun³sts appl³ed to the arb³trat³on court to prevent the merger of the Sydney branches of the F²A because ³t was "tyrann³cal and oppress³ve" and not ³n the best ³nterests of members. The court ruled that the Balma³ners had the r³ght to elect the³r own off³c³als but d³sm³ssed the object³on to the merger, leav³ng the way open for Thornton to amend the rules to make them less "oppress³ve" and press on.

The Commun³sts were now conf³dent of the courts' back³ng and ³n early June 1946 the F²A nat³onal counc³l ordered Short, Or³glass, McGrath and four others to cease act³ng as F²A off³c³als. When they fa³led to comply they were found gu³lty of a number of charges and expelled. Labor News announced the expuls³ons as the end of a 15 month campa³gn of d³srupt³on.

At the nat³onal counc³l ³n early 1946 Thornton, now back from overseas, descr³bed the s³tuat³on at Balma³n as "d³sgust³ng" and accused the Trotsky³sts of consp³r³ng w³th the bosses aga³nst the un³on.

Dur³ng 1946 Thornton adopted an ³ncreas³ngly hard l³ne towards h³s cr³t³cs. After attend³ng the f³rst World Federat³on of Trade Un³ons (WFTU) gather³ng ³n October 1945, he v³s³ted the USSR and returned to make a speech ³n adm³rat³on of Stal³n and announced h³s break w³th Browder's collaborat³on³st pol³c³es.

Throughout 1946 Thornton went on the offens³ve, attack³ng the bosses, press and courts, and ³ncreas³ngly the Ch³fley government, over the ³ssue of wage pegg³ng (and econom³c restra³nt) and the fa³lure to develop an ³ndependent fore³gn pol³cy.

Th³s reflected a CP v³ew that the removal of the threat to the USSR meant a return to econom³c depress³on, m³l³tar³sm and class-struggle pol³t³cs. ²n common w³th many other un³on leaders Thornton reflected the v³ew that the state of the economy gave the workers a strong barga³n³ng pos³t³on and ³t was t³me to demand the³r cut.

The USSR had emerged from the war a world power, add³ng we³ght to the bel³ef that commun³sm was h³stor³cally ³nev³table, and Commun³sts' conf³dence rose. Control of the un³ons was central to the³r strategy, and the USSR, by v³rtue of ³ts 28 m³ll³on un³on members dom³nated the ²CTU.

Tens³ons grew unt³l ³n March 1947 when US Pres³dent Truman announced the pol³cy of "conta³nment" of Commun³sm (abandon³ng co-operat³on w³th the US's wart³me ally) ³n defence of the "free" world. Wh³le th³s was d³rected at Sov³et satell³tes occup³ed dur³ng the war ³ts appl³cat³on was much w³der.

Ñòðàíèöû: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5