Переклад суспільно-політичних реалій (на основі перекладу статей з газети Нью-Йорк Таймс)

Далі ми розглянули реалії - поняття реалії, класифікацію та способи перекладу реалій. Ми зазначали в даній курсовій роботі, що для правильного перекладу реалій, перекладач має володіти певними фоновими знаннями щодо країни з мови якої робиться переклад.

В останньому розділі автор даної курсової роботи на прикладі перекладу статей з газети Нью- Йорк Таймс на практиці показала, як перекладають суспільно- політичні реалії- американізми.

Підсумовуючи все вище написане, автор даної роботи вважає, що переклад це не лише важка та відповідальна праця, це, певним чином, мистецтво. Мистецтво так подати переклад тексту мови оригіналу, щоб він не був “чужим” для читача мови перекладу і більше того, сприймався не як переклад, а як окремий оригінальний текст. Якщо людина не знає мови оригіналу, то текст перекладу вона і буде сприймати як оригінал, тому перекладач несе відповідальність за адекватність свого перекладу, за збереження змісту та стилістичних особливостей тексту мови оригіналу.

1. Алєксєєва І.С. Професійний тренінг перекладача. - СПб. : “Союз”, 2001. - 288с.

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7. Комісаров В. Н., Рецкер Я. І., Тархов В. І. Посібник по перекладу з англійської мови на російську . - М. : Вища школа, 1965.- 268 с.

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9. Латишев Л.К. Переклад: проблеми теорії, практики та методики викладання.- М.: Просвещение - 1988. - 159с.

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12. Найда Ю. А. Процедура аналізу компонентної структури референційного значення. - М., 1983

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23. www.logos.it

Text 1

New System Begins Rerouting U.S. Aid for Poor Countries

BY CHRISTOPHER MARQUIS

Published: February 22, 2004

WASHINGTON, Feb. 21 -- The United States is now plunging into a fundamental overhaul of its assistance to developing nations, demanding that applicants for a rich new source of financing prove their worthiness. Already, countries from Bolivia to Bangladesh are competing to be among the winners.

This month, the board of the new Millennium Challenge Account met for the first time to lay the groundwork for grants that President Bush has promised will total $5 billion annually by 2008. In the first year, perhaps just 15 nations will win awards.

The program is ambitious. If fully financed, the Millennium Challenge Account would reflect close to a doubling of the American aid that goes primarily to promote development in poor countries, analysts say. It would represent an overall increase in foreign aid of nearly 9 percent.

But the new account is already altering traditional aid flows. All but five countries in Latin America, for example, are ineligible for the Millennium Challenge because their per capita incomes are too high.

At the same time, because of cuts proposed in overall foreign aid to the region, some of these nations, like El Salvador and the Dominican Republic, could experience reductions of 10 percent in development aid in the fiscal year 2005, which begins Oct. 1.

African countries like Senegal and Ghana that respect civil liberties stand to benefit under the new program, according to budget analysts; the war-ravaged nations of Sudan and Somalia, however, do not.

The new account, like a second new program, the president's five-year, $15 billion global effort to fight AIDS, is up against foreign aid spending constrained by tight budgets and unusually heavy outlays on assistance to Iraq and Afghanistan.

Critics of the Millennium Challenge Account are warning that it may produce inequities, handsomely rewarding a handful of nations while leaving some of the most economically needy countries to vie for much smaller amounts of traditional aid.

Advocates say the two initiatives are prototypes in a broad administration effort to retool the foreign aid system, which spends nearly $18 billion a year on projects ranging from feeding programs to state-to-state economic support.

Representative Henry J. Hyde, the Illinois Republican who is the chairman of the International Relations Committee and an important backer of the new approach, wants to place a performance-driven Republican imprint on such aid, which, until recently, was denounced by some of his colleagues as "pouring money down a rat hole."

That kind of Congressional distaste for foreign aid, which traditionally suffered in favor of spending on domestic programs, has eased greatly since the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, which highlighted the dangers posed by weak and neglected states, Mr. Hyde's aides said.

"For too long, U.S. foreign assistance programs have been adrift without an overall strategy, and without reasonable standards of accountability," Mr. Hyde said. The Millennium Challenge Account and the AIDS fund can serve as models for future reforms in foreign aid, he said.

"How we broaden these efforts to include more of our foreign aid programs will be an important legislative challenge of the coming months and years," he added.

But some advocates for development and relief agencies accuse the administration of turning its back on some of the neediest countries to pay for the new strategy.

Mary E. McClymont, the chief executive officer of InterAction, the largest alliance of American-based relief groups like CARE and Save the Children, said the administration, in its new budget proposal, had cut $400 million from traditional aid and development accounts -- including money for child survival and family planning -- to defray its new costs.

"The administration's budget is robbing Peter to pay Paul," she said. "The Millennium Challenge Account will fund select, top-performing countries. That is good. But what about all the other poorer, weaker countries that could become failed states?"

Administration officials contend that they have not raided the budget to pay for the new programs. Indeed, Andrew S. Natsios, the administrator of the Agency for International Development, said in an interview that his budget had nearly doubled, to $14.2 billion, since 2001. But much of that increase reflects rebuilding in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Mr. Natsios said the agency, a popular target of cost-cutting Republicans in the 1990's, had found a new purpose in preparing second-tier candidates to qualify for the Millennium Challenge fund. At the same time, he said, A.I.D. will not abandon its traditional support for failing states, but it will be more realistic in its expectations.

"Anybody who expects us to put Somalia back together again -- acting alone -- is foolish," he said.

The Bush administration has identified 63 countries that would be eligible to compete for the first round of of Millennium Challenge funds because their per capita income levels are below $1,415 and they are not precluded from receiving aid by being on the State Department's list of terrorism sponsors.

To qualify for the funds, countries must demonstrate, in the president's words, that they are "ruling justly, investing in their people, and establishing economic freedom."

The administration will use 16 independent indicators, many of them from outside government, to measure the merits of a candidate.

For example, a private organization like Transparency International could rate the applicants on corruption; the World Bank Institute, on rule of law; Freedom House, on political rights; and the Heritage Foundation, on trade policy.

"It's pretty rigorous," said Alan P. Larson, the State Department's top economics official, who is running the account until the president's expected nominee, Paul Applegarth, is confirmed. Mr. Larson noted that the board would use indexes that were publicly available.

Another innovation with the new program is that the United States will not dictate how money is spent.

"This would put the recipient countries much more in the driver's seat," said Steven Radelet, a former Treasury official who works at the Center for Global Development. Countries would sign three-year contracts with the United States, and the effectiveness of their efforts would be judged by the results.

Some development specialists worry that the process may diminish accountability.

"You're putting a lot of faith in these countries to figure out how to use this money well," said Thomas Carothers, senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Mr. Bush's AIDS initiative seeks to unite a mix of agencies and programs under a single coordinator, Randall L. Tobias, who will present his emergency plan on Monday.

Mr. Tobias, a former pharmaceutical executive, is expected to outline plans for a rapid expansion of programs in about 15 seriously afflicted countries, emphasizing prevention, care and treatment and spending $10 billion in new financing over five years for a total of $15 billion.

While the financing is welcomed by advocates for people with AIDS, critics have questioned whether a separate bureaucracy is necessary when there is already a Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria.

The administration, which has asked for $2.8 billion for the AIDS fund for 2005, says it is gearing up to meet the president's goal of $15 billion over five years, though some Congressional Republicans concede that budget deficit concerns will probably scale back both initiatives.

Some political analysts question whether the United States' commitment will endure beyond the November elections and the current spending spree on antiterrorist strategies.

"It remains to be seen whether this is an innovation that has staying power," said J. Brian Atwood, the A.I.D. administrator in the Clinton administration.

Text 2

INTERNET AD ATTACK

In Politics, the Web Is a Parallel World With Its Own Rules

By JIM RUTENBERG

Published: February 22, 2004

IT was a sharp video attack, jarring in a political season that has been unusually short on negative advertising. A woman, sitting at a keyboard, seeks information about Senator John Kerry on the Internet. She unearths all sorts of scandalizing tidbits.

“More special interest money than any other senator. How much?'' she says ``Paybacks?'' and then reading aloud from the screen, she says, ``Millions from executives at HMO's, telecoms, drug companies.'' She add, "Ka-Ching!"

She can only come to one damning conclusion: Mr. Kerry, she says, is ``Unprincipled.''

The one-minute spot, introduced a week ago, did not appear on television, but on President Bush's campaign Web site. And so a new bare-knuckled political use of the World Wide Web showed its head: the Internet attack ad.

When the Web was in its infancy, Internet utopians envisioned a political revolution, predicting that the new medium would engage and empower voters as never before. Much of what they envisioned has come to pass, with the Internet facilitating vigorous debate this year, most dramatically, giving Howard Dean's campaign the ability to raise millions.

But part of the Web's appeal has been its unbridled nature, and it is showing that it can act as a back alley -- where punches can be thrown and things can be said that might be deemed out of place, even if just at a particular moment, in the full light of the mainstream media.

“The principals themselves feel like they can act out there in a way that they wouldn't dare to do in the mainstream media,'' said Jonathan Zittrain, a director of the Berkman Center for Internet and Society at Harvard Law School.

Mr. Bush's campaign, for instance, has not been ready to launch a confrontational television ad, let alone a positive one, because it is trying to cling to the transcendent trappings of the Rose Garden for as long as possible.

But it wanted to rob Mr. Kerry of his claim to be a reformer -- by pointing out his support from special interests -- without wading too deeply into real campaign waters, said Mark McKinnon, Mr. Bush's chief media strategist.

“Senator Kerry was getting a free ride from a lot of the Democrats, and we felt it was important to point out what he was saying was inconsistent with his record, but we were not prepared to engage that fully yet,'' he said. “The Web offered a modulated way of engaging.''

The Democrat candidates have not aggressively used attack ads on the Web, although they have used Mr. Bush as a target on television instead of confronting each other, which could risk weakening the party's chances of gaining the White House.

The Bush Web ad offered all of the emotional impact of a television commercial without all of the political impact.

For one, a Web ad, unlike a television commercial, does not fall under new election rules requiring candidates to appear in their own advertisements to voice approval of them. By not having to take direct responsibility for his anti-Kerry spot, Mr. Bush got some distance from it -- even though it is on his Web site.

But perhaps most significantly, the Web has evolved as a relatively permissive environment. A negative advertisement that might rub viewers the wrong way in their living rooms is apparently less likely to do so when they are at their computers.

The tension between the different strata of media was evident when The Drudge Report, the news Web site, recently reported that several major news organizations were investigating a rumor that Mr. Kerry may have had an extramarital affair.

Unlike the Monica Lewinsky scandal, news of which The Drudge Report also broke, the Kerry rumor had no accompanying criminal investigation, which could justify coverage by itself, and newsrooms across the country found themselves in a state of paralysis -- caught between ignoring a story millions already knew about or validating a charge without independent confirmation.

The pressure mounted as The Drudge Report posted follow-up articles, effectively fanning the flames. Those watching from the sidelines saw the situation as a test of just how far the major newspapers, magazines and television networks would allow themselves to be pushed.

“Clearly the Internet is accelerating the pace at which politics move,'' said Jim Jordan, Mr. Kerry's former campaign manager. “And, increasingly, it seems to allow the mainstream media to rationalize editorial decisions that wouldn't have been made in the past.''

Ultimately, most news organizations, however, did not take the bait, with some ignoring the story entirely and others, including The New York Times, reporting denials from Mr. Kerry and the woman in question deep within their news pages.

“There was no proof of anything,'' said Tom Hannon, the CNN political director. He said the network buried the denials in other campaign reports. Mickey Kaus, who had discussed the ethics of reporting the rumor on his Web blog, kausfiles.com, agreed that two different journalism worlds exist and he said that it's a good thing.

“Clearly we seem to be settling into an equilibrium where standards on the Web are different, and people can live with that as long as the mainstream press behaves the way it behaved during this latest scandal, which is to say they stick to their own standards,'' Mr. Kaus said.

On the Internet, he said, a large number of people can get wind of the sorts of conversations taking place in the proverbial smoke-filled rooms.

“Now everybody can know what the political pros know,'' he said. “So if you're a voter concerned about electability, you want to know Kerry's potential problems down the road. Now you have a vague idea, and you can discount them or take them into account depending on what you think.''

Text 3

California Plans Move to End Gay Marriages

By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

Published: February 22, 2004

SAN FRANCISCO, Feb. 21 -- California's attorney general will ask a court to stop San Francisco from granting marriage licenses to same-sex couples, his spokesman said Saturday, a day after Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger ordered the move.

Mr. Schwarzenegger's directive to the attorney general, Bill Lockyer, was prompted in part by a judge's decision earlier Friday not to impose a restraining order that would have halted San Francisco's weeklong stream of 3,175 same-sex weddings, said Rob Stutzman, the governor's spokesman.

Mr. Schwarzenegger, wading deeper into the roiling debate over same-sex marriage, ordered Mr. Lockyer to "take immediate steps" to get a ruling that would make San Francisco authorities stop granting licenses to gay couples.

"We rely on our courts to enforce the rule of law," Mr. Schwarzenegger told cheering Republican Party activists at a state convention on Friday evening. "But you see, in San Francisco the courts are dropping the ball. It's time for the city to stop traveling down this dangerous path of ignoring the rule of law. That's my message to San Francisco."

On Friday, Judge Ronald Evans Quidachay of San Francisco Superior Court gave gay and lesbian couples in the city another reprieve when he ruled that lawyers for the Campaign for California Families' had failed to prove that the weddings would cause irreparable harm if they were not halted. On Tuesday, another judge declined to order an immediate stop to the marriages.

Peter Ragone, a spokesman for Mayor Gavin Newsom of San Francisco, scoffed at Mr. Schwarzenegger's directive.

"The truth is, thousands of people are involved in loving relationships and having them recognized for the first time," Mr. Ragone said. "We urge the governor to meet with some of the couples, because what's happening is both lawful and loving."

A spokeswoman for Mr. Lockyer said Saturday that the attorney general's office planned to seek a judgment declaring San Francisco's action in violation of state law.

"We are conferring with the governor's legal affairs staff to develop strategy," said the spokesman, Nathan Barankin. "They are on board, we are on board and we will be taking action soon."

The conservative group that lost its bid for a restraining order on Friday had argued that the weddings harmed the 61 percent of California voters who in 2000 supported Proposition 22, a ballot initiative that said the state would recognize only marriage between a man and a woman.

Judge Quidachay suggested that the rights of the thousands of gay and lesbian couples who have traded marriage vows in San Francisco over the past nine days appeared to carry more weight at this point.

Text 4

Security Efforts Turning Capital Into Armed Camp

By MICHAEL JANOFSKY

Published: February 22, 2004

WASHINGTON, Feb. 21 -- An antiaircraft missile, ready for use, sits atop a federal office building near the White House. Devices that test the air for chemical and biological substances are positioned throughout the city. Subway stations are now equipped with "bomb containment" trash bins. A major highway that runs by the Pentagon is being rerouted several hundred yards away. A security wall is going up around the Washington Monument.

Day by day, the nation's capital is becoming a fortress, turning a city known for graceful beauty into a virtual armed camp. In response to the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, federal security agents along with their counterparts in the Washington, Maryland and Virginia governments began a huge effort to build permanent safeguards for the capital area's most important buildings and monuments.

The effort that built slowly after the 1995 bombing of a federal building in Oklahoma City intensified after one jetliner slammed into the Pentagon and another jet crashed in Pennsylvania, presumably on its way to a target in Washington.

But more recently, security efforts have gained a new urgency as officials seek ways to stop truck bombs and other terrorist tactics that have been used in other countries, like suicide bombers.

Some of the biggest projects are under way at the most visible symbols of American democracy and might -- the White House, the Capitol, the Washington Monument and the Pentagon.

A result has been a surge of security construction at a cost, still being calculated, that is expected to reach several hundred million dollars within five or six years. Barely 20 percent of the security measures planned for the region have been designed, let alone completed, which means construction is certain to continue for years.

"I'm not sure we ever reach a point where everything has been done; it's an ongoing process," said Kenneth E. Wall, an official with the Department of Homeland Security who oversees activity in the capital region. "As threats evolve and information evolves, we have to make adjustments accordingly."

But even at this early stage, the security efforts have transformed large parts of Washington, creating a slightly ominous feel for the city's 572,000 residents and the million more people who work here and visit daily. Tony Bullock, an aide to Mayor Anthony A. Williams, called it "the uglification of Washington." Unlike New York and other cities that have fewer federal buildings and, thus, a less concentrated security presence, Washington has a dense core of buildings that house every department of the federal government and venerated monuments that honor the country's greatest leaders.

"It's sad to see this, but the reality is we are very vulnerable," said Peter McBirnie of Huntsville, Ontario, who was visiting the Washington Monument the other day with his wife, Linda. They stood before temporary construction walls that encircle the monument grounds and obscure work on a new permanent 30-inch-high security wall designed to stop a vehicular attack.

By now, most federal buildings and monuments have prodigious security measures in place, with enhancements planned or under way.Police officers with dogs trained to find explosives are stopping cars before they drive past the Capitol. Plans have been approved to build a security perimeter around the 10 buildings of the Smithsonian Institution and the Department of Agriculture on the Mall. The interiors of most government buildings have taken on aspects of an airport, with magnetometers at every entrance and a greater presence of law enforcement officers. The entrance to the Washington Monument has metal detectors and X-ray machines, as does the front door of the Botanical Garden greenhouse at the foot of Capitol Hill.

Мета даної курсової роботи полягає у дослідженні проблеми перекладу суспільно- політичних реалій- американізмів.

Предметом дослідження є статті з газети Нью- Йорк Таймс.

Курсова робота складається з восьми структурних частин : змісту, вступу, двох розділів, висновків, списку використаних джерел, додатків та резюме. В першому розділі розглядається теоретичний аспект проблеми перекладу, перекладу газетних публікацій та перекладу реалій. В другому розділі розглядається практичний аспект проблеми перекладу суспільно- політичних реалій- американізмів на основі перекладу статей з газети Нью- Йорк Таймс. У висновках автор робить підсумки своєї курсової роботи та коротко окреслює головні проблеми, які розглядались в даній курсовій роботі. В списку використаних джерел автор подає список інформаційних джерел, що були використані при написанні курсової роботи. В додатках подаються статті мовою оригіналу на прикладі перекладу яких у другому розділі розглядався переклад суспільно- політичних реалій- американізмів.

Переклад суспільно- політичних реалій- американізмів являє собою певну проблему для перекладача, через те, що для їх перекладу перекладач має володіти певними фоновими знаннями аби текст перекладу був зрозумілий та не був “чужим” для людей, що не володіють мовою оригіналу тексту.

The main aim of this course paper is to investigate the problems in translation social and political realia.

The subject of investigation - articles from The New York Times newspaper.

This course paper consists of eight structural parts : contents, introduction, two chapters, conclusions, summary, bibliography and annexes. In chapter I author of this course paper investigates the theoretical aspect of the problem. In chapter II the practical aspect of the problem is shown, based on translation of articles from The New York Times newspaper. The articles are given in annexes.

The author of this course paper thinks that translator is to be responsible for his translation, as people who don't know the language of original text, perceive translation as sush. That is why it is very important not only to preserve the main sense of the original text, but also to preserve the stylistic features of the latter.

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